bastardry

"Bastardry" seeks to redress the balance away from isolated acts of terrorism to focus on the far more potent killing machines of state sponsored terrorism. As far as our media are concerned, the very term "state sponsored terrorism" only applies to so-called "rogue states" aligned on an "axis of evil"; they turn a blind eye to the mass terrorism perpetrated by the US, UK, Russia, Israel and their fellow travellers like Australia.

Monday, October 02, 2006

AUSTRALIA’S ROLE IN ARMING THE HEAVENS

AUSTRALIA’S ROLE IN ARMING THE HEAVENS



October 1-8, Keep Space for Peace Week, is an international protest to stop the militarisation of space. Just up the road from Byron Bay is the University of Queensland,
where the Department of Physics is being funded by the U.S. Defence Advance Research Projects Agency (DARPA) to do research on scramjet engines capable of achieving velocities of Mach 10, or about 11,000km an hour. This is part of the Australian Hypersonics Initiative which involves the Australian National University and the University of New South Wales, Defence Force Academy, Canberra.

The University of Queensland UQ News Online states that flights Sydney-London would only take 2 hours using scramjet propulsion but what is not stated are the military applications of this research. DARPA is developing a hypersonic edge of space bomber (FALCON) which can take off from any airfield and carry 12,000 lbs of nuclear or conventional weapons anywhere in the world in a couple of hours. The bombs would hit Earth targets at hypersonic velocity and be able to penetrate to great depth before exploding; just the thing, they say, for Afghanistan and Iraq.

The U.S. ambition is to have “Full Spectrum Dominance” through which Earth will be controlled in the interests of the U.S; military or commercial space competitors will be “denied” space access if they do not conform to US dictates. President Bush in his January 14, 2004 Moon, Mars and Beyond speech makes clear that US military and commercial dominance of space is an absolute national priority. America's civilian and military space programmes are converging, with the extra funding which Bush proposed in order to reach Mars likely to accelerate this convergence. NASA has already become an integral part of the US Airforce’s Space Command which has already absorbed the bomber wing of the airforce, Strategic Air Command. Former NASA director, Sean O’Keefe, said that NASA was looking forward to providing agency resources for the “war on terror” and that from now on all space missions had to be considered "dual purpose" i.e. military and civilian. This is exemplified by his comments that NASA and the Department of Defense are collaborating in Project Prometheus (nuclear propulsion research). If these Masters of Space, as they like to call themselves, have their way, nuclearised space will soon be commonplace. Orbiting Chernobyls, no doubt fuelled by Australian uranium, will supply the huge power requirements of space-based laser weapons. The prospect of these exploding on lift-off like Challenger or exploding on the launch pad like Apollo 1, does not seem to deter these nuclear narcoleptics.

Australia is heavily involved in the militarization of space even though this clashes with our ratification of the 1967 UN Treaty on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, the 1979 Moon Treaty and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. The Howard government have signed up to an enormous financial commitment (unspecified) to participate in the National Missile Defence (aka the Son of Star Wars) project which is actually an aggressive first strike system having very little to do with protecting civilians.

A recent opinion poll shows a majority of Australians feel Australia subordinates its foreign policy and strategic objectives to those of the U.S; they want Australia to focus on what is good for this country. We are already mired in the Iraq debacle thanks to the Howard government’s blind acceptance of badly flawed US intelligence and now we are complicit in arming the heavens. The time is long past when we must demand an immediate halt to this collaboration in infamy, some of it on Byron’s doorstep.

Sources:
http://www.space4peace.org/
http://www.anti-bases.org/
http://www.air-attack.com/page.php?pid=32
http://www.mapw.org.au/nationalmissiledefence/nmd-index.html
http://www.stopthenato.org/m/zit/id_ses/2337520f9/id_p/10/opt/read_e/id_s/358.html
http://www.uq.edu.au/hypersonics/?page=19501

Saturday, September 02, 2006

US turned blind eye to chemical genocide

The True Iraq Appeasers
By Peter W. Galbraith*
Boston Globe
August 31, 2006

In his most recent justification of his Pentagon stewardship, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld reached back to the 1930s, comparing the Bush administration's critics to those who, like US Ambassador to Britain Joseph P. Kennedy, favored appeasing Adolf Hitler. Rumsfeld avoided a more recent comparison: the appeasement of Saddam Hussein by the Reagan and first Bush administrations. The reasons for selectivity are obvious, since so many of Hussein's appeasers in the 1980s were principals in the 2003 Iraq war, including Rumsfeld.

In 1983, President Reagan initiated a strategic opening to Iraq, then in the third year of a war of attrition with neighboring Iran. Although Iraq had started the war with a blitzkrieg attack in 1980, the tide had turned by 1982 in favor of much larger Iran, and the Reagan administration was afraid Iraq might actually lose. Reagan chose Rumsfeld as his emissary to Hussein, whom he visited in December 1983 and March 1984. Inconveniently, Iraq had begun to use chemical weapons against Iran in November 1983, the first sustained use of poison gas since a 1925 treaty banning that.

Rumsfeld never mentioned this blatant violation of international law to Hussein, instead focusing on shared hostility toward Iran and an oil pipeline through Jordan. Rumsfeld apparently did mention it to Tariq Aziz, Iraq's foreign minister, but by not raising the issue with the paramount leader he signaled that good relations were more important to the United States than the use of poison gas.

This message was reinforced by US conduct after the Rumsfeld missions. The Reagan administration offered Hussein financial credits that eventually made Iraq the third-largest recipient of US assistance. It normalized diplomatic relations and, most significantly, began providing Iraq with battlefield intelligence. Iraq used this information to target Iranian troops with chemical weapons. And when Iraq turned its chemical weapons on the Kurds in 1988, killing 5,000 in the town of Halabja, the Reagan administration sought to obscure responsibility by falsely suggesting Iran was also responsible.

On Aug. 25, 1988 -- five days after the Iran-Iraq War ended -- Iraq attacked 48 Kurdish villages more than 100 miles from Iran. Within days, the US Senate passed legislation, sponsored by Claiborne Pell, Democrat of Rhode Island, to end US financial support for Hussein and to impose trade sanctions. To enhance the prospects that Reagan would sign his legislation, Pell sent me to Eastern Turkey to interview Kurdish survivors who had fled across the border. As it turned out, the Reagan administration agreed that Iraq had gassed the Kurds, but strongly opposed sanctions, or even cutting off financial assistance. Colin Powell, then the national security adviser, coordinated the Reagan administration's opposition.

The Pell bill died at the end of the congressional session in 1988, in spite of heroic efforts by Senator Edward M. Kennedy of Massachusetts to force it through by holding up a raft of administration nominations.

The next year, President George H.W. Bush's administration actually doubled US financial credits for Iraq. A week before Hussein invaded Kuwait, the administration vociferously opposed legislation that would have conditioned US assistance to Iraq on a commitment not to use chemical weapons and to stop the genocide against the Kurds. At the time, Dick Cheney, now vice president, was secretary of defense and a statutory member of the National Security Council that reviewed Iraq policy. By all accounts, he supported the administration's appeasement policy.

In 2003, Cheney, Powell, and Rumsfeld all cited Hussein's use of chemical weapons 15 years before as a rationale for war. But at the time Hussein was actually doing the gassing -- including of his own people -- they considered his use of chemical weapons a second-tier issue.

The Reagan and first Bush administrations believed that Hussein could be a strategic partner to the United States, a counterweight to Iran, a force for moderation in the region, and possibly help in the Arab-Israel peace process. That was, of course, an illusion. A ruthless dictator who launched an attack on his neighbor, Iran, who used chemical weapons, and who committed genocide against his own Kurds was never likely to be a reliable American ally. Hussein, having watched the United States gloss over his crimes in the Iran war and at home, concluded he could get away with invading Kuwait.

It was a costly error for him, for his country, and eventually for the United States, which now has the largest part of its military bogged down in the Iraqi quagmire. Meanwhile the architects of the earlier appeasement policy now maintain the illusion that they have a path to victory, if only their critics would shut up.

About the Author: Peter W. Galbraith, a former US ambassador to Croatia, is author of The End of Iraq: How American Incompetence Created a War Without End.

More Information on Iraq
More Information on US and British Support for Hussein Regime
More Information on the Occupation and Rule in Iraq

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Bush's Baghdad Palace

Published on Saturday, April 15, 2006 by the Associated Press
Massive New Embassy in Iraq Flaunts US Power, Critics Say
by Charles J. Hanley

The fortress-like compound rising beside the Tigris River here will be the largest of its kind in the world, the size of Vatican City, with the population of a small town, its own defense force, self-contained power and water, and a precarious perch at the heart of Iraq's turbulent future.


Construction cranes are seen above the site of the new United States embassy being built in Baghdad, Iraq, Tuesday, March 21, 2006. The fortress-like compound rising on the banks of the Tigris River will be the largest of its kind in the world, the size of Vatican City in Rome, with the population of a small town, its own defense force, self-contained power and water, and a precarious perch at the heart of Iraq's turbulent future. (AP Photo)

The presence of a massive U.S. embassy — by far the largest in the world — co-located in the Green Zone with the Iraqi government is seen by Iraqis as an indication of who actually exercises power in their country.

International Crisis Group

The new U.S. Embassy also seems as cloaked in secrecy as the ministate in Rome.

"We can't talk about it. Security reasons," Roberta Rossi, a spokeswoman at the current embassy, said when asked for information about the project.

A British tabloid even told readers the location was being kept secret — news that would surprise Baghdadis who for months have watched the forest of construction cranes at work across the winding Tigris, at the very center of their city and within easy mortar range of anti-U.S. forces in the capital, though fewer explode there these days.

The embassy complex — 21 buildings on 104 acres, according to a U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee report — is taking shape on riverside parkland in the fortified "Green Zone," just east of al-Samoud, a former palace of Saddam Hussein's, and across the road from the building where the ex-dictator is now on trial.

The Republican Palace, where U.S. Embassy functions are temporarily housed in cubicles among the chandelier-hung rooms, is less than a mile away in the 4-square-mile zone, an enclave of American and Iraqi government offices and lodgings ringed b

Published on Saturday, April 15, 2006 by the Associated Press
Massive New Embassy in Iraq Flaunts US Power, Critics Say
by Charles J. Hanley

The fortress-like compound rising beside the Tigris River here will be the largest of its kind in the world, the size of Vatican City, with the population of a small town, its own defense force, self-contained power and water, and a precarious perch at the heart of Iraq's turbulent future.


Construction cranes are seen above the site of the new United States embassy being built in Baghdad, Iraq, Tuesday, March 21, 2006. The fortress-like compound rising on the banks of the Tigris River will be the largest of its kind in the world, the size of Vatican City in Rome, with the population of a small town, its own defense force, self-contained power and water, and a precarious perch at the heart of Iraq's turbulent future. (AP Photo)

The presence of a massive U.S. embassy — by far the largest in the world — co-located in the Green Zone with the Iraqi government is seen by Iraqis as an indication of who actually exercises power in their country.

International Crisis Group

The new U.S. Embassy also seems as cloaked in secrecy as the ministate in Rome.

"We can't talk about it. Security reasons," Roberta Rossi, a spokeswoman at the current embassy, said when asked for information about the project.

A British tabloid even told readers the location was being kept secret — news that would surprise Baghdadis who for months have watched the forest of construction cranes at work across the winding Tigris, at the very center of their city and within easy mortar range of anti-U.S. forces in the capital, though fewer explode there these days.

The embassy complex — 21 buildings on 104 acres, according to a U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee report — is taking shape on riverside parkland in the fortified "Green Zone," just east of al-Samoud, a former palace of Saddam Hussein's, and across the road from the building where the ex-dictator is now on trial.

The Republican Palace, where U.S. Embassy functions are temporarily housed in cubicles among the chandelier-hung rooms, is less than a mile away in the 4-square-mile zone, an enclave of American and Iraqi government offices and lodgings ringed by miles of concrete barriers.

The 5,500 Americans and Iraqis working at the embassy, almost half listed as security, are far more numerous than at any other U.S. mission worldwide. They rarely venture out into the "Red Zone," that is, violence-torn Iraq.

This huge American contingent at the center of power has drawn criticism.

"The presence of a massive U.S. embassy — by far the largest in the world — co-located in the Green Zone with the Iraqi government is seen by Iraqis as an indication of who actually exercises power in their country," the International Crisis Group, a European-based research group, said in one of its periodic reports on Iraq.

State Department spokesman Justin Higgins defended the size of the embassy, old and new, saying it's indicative of the work facing the United States here.

"It's somewhat self-evident that there's going to be a fairly sizable commitment to Iraq by the U.S. government in all forms for several years," he said in Washington.

Higgins noted that large numbers of non-diplomats work at the mission — hundreds of military personnel and dozens of FBI agents, for example, along with representatives of the Agriculture, Commerce and other U.S. federal departments.

They sleep in hundreds of trailers or "containerized" quarters scattered around the Green Zone. But next year embassy staff will move into six apartment buildings in the new complex, which has been under construction since mid-2005 with a target completion date of June 2007.

Iraq's interim government transferred the land to U.S. ownership in October 2004, under an agreement whose terms were not disclosed.

"Embassy Baghdad" will dwarf new U.S. embassies elsewhere, projects that typically cover 10 acres. The embassy's 104 acres is six times larger than the United Nations compound in New York, and two-thirds the acreage of Washington's National Mall.

Original cost estimates ranged over $1 billion, but Congress appropriated only $592 million in the emergency Iraq budget adopted last year. Most has gone to a Kuwait builder, First Kuwaiti Trading & Contracting, with the rest awarded to six contractors working on the project's "classified" portion — the actual embassy offices.

Higgins declined to identify those builders, citing security reasons, but said five were American companies.

The designs aren't publicly available, but the Senate report makes clear it will be a self-sufficient and "hardened" domain, to function in the midst of Baghdad power outages, water shortages and continuing turmoil.

It will have its own water wells, electricity plant and wastewaster-treatment facility, "systems to allow 100 percent independence from city utilities," says the report, the most authoritative open source on the embassy plans.

Besides two major diplomatic office buildings, homes for the ambassador and his deputy, and the apartment buildings for staff, the compound will offer a swimming pool, gym, commissary, food court and American Club, all housed in a recreation building.

Security, overseen by U.S. Marines, will be extraordinary: setbacks and perimeter no-go areas that will be especially deep, structures reinforced to 2.5-times the standard, and five high-security entrances, plus an emergency entrance-exit, the Senate report says.

Higgins said the work, under way on all parts of the project, is more than one-third complete.

Associated Press news researcher Jennifer Farrar in New York contributed to this report.

© Copyright 2006 Associated Press

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Friday, September 01, 2006

Depleted Uranium in Bunker Bombs, America's Big Dirty Secret (Le Monde Diplomatique, August 2006)

DEPLETED URANIUM IN BUNKER BOMBS
America’s big dirty secret
The United States loudly and proudly boasted this month of its new bomb currently being used against al-Qaida hold-outs in Afghanistan; it sucks the air from underground installations, suffocating those within. The US has also admitted that it has used depleted uranium weaponry over the last decade against bunkers in Iraq, Kosovo, and now Afghanistan.
By Robert James Parsons

"The immediate concern for medical professionals and employees of aid organisations remains the threat of extensive depleted uranium (DU) contamination in Afghanistan." This is one of the conclusions of a 130-page report, Mystery Metal Nightmare in Afghanistan? (1), by Dai Williams, an independent researcher and occupational psychologist. It is the result of more than a year of research into DU and its effects on those exposed to it.

Using internet sites of both NGOs (2) and arms manufacturers, Williams has come up with information that he has cross-checked and compared with weapons that the Pentagon has reported - indeed boasted about - using during the war. What emerges is a startling and frightening vision of war, both in Afghanistan and in the future.

Since 1997 the United States has been modifying and upgrading its missiles and guided (smart) bombs. Prototypes of these bombs were tested in the Kosovo mountains in 1999, but a far greater range has been tested in Afghanistan. The upgrade involves replacing a conventional warhead by a heavy, dense metal one (3). Calculating the volume and the weight of this mystery metal leads to two possible conclusions: it is either tungsten or depleted uranium.

Tungsten poses problems. Its melting point (3,422°C) makes it very hard to work; it is expensive; it is produced mostly by China; and it does not burn. DU is pyrophoric, burning on impact or if it is ignited, with a melting point of 1,132°C; it is much easier to process; and as nuclear waste, it is available free to arms manufacturers. Further, using it in a range of weapons significantly reduces the US nuclear waste storage problem.

This type of weapon can penetrate many metres of reinforced concrete or rock in seconds. It is equipped with a detonator controlled by a computer that measures the density of the material passed through and, when the warhead reaches the targeted void or a set depth, detonates the warhead, which then has an explosive and incendiary effect. The DU burns fiercely and rapidly, carbonising everything in the void, while the DU itself is transformed into a fine uranium oxide powder. Although only 30% of the DU of a 30mm penetrator round is oxidised, the DU charge of a missile oxidises 100%. Most of the dust particles produced measure less than 1.5 microns, small enough to be breathed in.

For a few researchers in this area, the controversy over the use of DU weapons during the Kosovo war got side-tracked. Instead of asking what weapons might have been used against most of the targets (underground mountain bunkers) acknowledged by Nato, discussion focused on 30mm anti-tank penetrator rounds, which Nato had admitted using but which would have been ineffective against superhardened underground installations.

However, as long as the questions focused on such anti-tank penetrators, they dealt with rounds whose maximum weight was five kilos for a 120mm round. The DU explosive charges in the guided bomb systems used in Afghanistan can weigh as much as one and a half metric tons (as in Raytheon’s Bunker Buster - GBU-28) (4).
Who cares?
In Geneva, where most of the aid agencies active in Afghanistan are based, Williams’s report has caused varied reactions. The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees and the Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs have circulated it. But it does not seem to have worried agency and programme directors much. Only Médecins sans Frontiéres and the UN Environment Programme (UNEP) say they fear an environmental and health catastrophe.

In March and April 2001, UNEP and the World Health Organisation (WHO) published reports on DU, reports that are frequently cited by those claiming DU is innocuous. The Pentagon emphasises that the organisations are independent and neutral. But the UNEP study is, at best, compromised. The WHO study is unreliable.

The Kosovo assessment mission that provided the basis for the UNEP analysis was organised using maps supplied by Nato; Nato troops accompanied the researchers to protect them from unexploded munitions, including cluster bomb sub-munitions. These sub-munitions, as Williams discovered, were probably equipped with DU shaped-charges. Nato troops prevented researchers from any contact with DU sub-munitions, even from discovering their existence.

During the 16 months before the UNEP mission, the Pentagon sent at least 10 study teams into the field and did major clean-up operations (5). Out of 8,112 anti-tank penetrator rounds fired on the sites studied, the UNEP team recovered only 11, although many more would not have been burned. And, 18 to 20 months after the firing, the amount of dust found directly on sites hit by these rounds was particularly small.

The WHO undertook no proper epidemiological study, only an academic desk study. Under pressure from the International Atomic Energy Agency, the WHO confined itself to studying DU as a heavy-metal, chemical contaminant. In January 2001, alerted to the imminent publication by Le Monde diplomatique of an article attacking its inaction (6), the WHO held a press conference and announced a $2m fund - eventually $20m - for research into DU. According Dr Michael Repacholi of the WHO, the report on DU, under way since 1999 and supervised by the British geologist Barry Smith, would be expanded to include radiation contamination. The work would include analyses of urine of people exposed to DU, conducted to determine the exposure level.

But the monograph, published 10 weeks later, was merely a survey of existing literature on the subject. Out of hundreds of thousands of monographs published since 1945, which ought to have been explored in depth, the report covered only monographs on chemical contamination, with a few noteworthy exceptions. The few articles about dealing with radiation contamination that had been consulted came from the Pentagon and the Rand Corporation, the Pentagon think- tank. It is unsurprising that the report was bland.

The recommendations of the two reports were common sense, and repeated advice already given by the WHO and echoed regularly by the aid organisations working in Kosovo. This included marking off known target sites, collecting penetrator rounds wherever possible, keeping children away from contaminated sites, and the suggested monitoring of some wells later on.
Uranium plus
The problem can be summed up as two key findings:

o Radiation emitted by DU threatens the human body because, once DU dust has been inhaled, it becomes an internal radiation source; international radiation protection standards, the basis of expert claims that DU is harmless, deal only with external radiation sources;

o Dirty DU - the UNEP report, for all its failings, deserves credit for mentioning this. Uranium from reactors, recycled for use in munitions, contains additional highly toxic elements, such as plutonium, 1.6 kilogrammes of which could kill 8bn people. Rather than depleted uranium, it should be called uranium plus.

In a French TV documentary on Canal+ in January 2001 (7), a team of researchers presented the results of an investigation into a gaseous diffusion - recycling - plant in Paducah, Kentucky, US. According to the lawyer for 100,000 plaintiffs, who are past and present plant employees, they were contaminated because of flagrant non-compliance with basic safety standards; the entire plant is irrevocably contaminated, as is everything it produces. The documentary claimed that the DU in the missiles that were dropped on Yugoslavia, Afghanistan and Iraq is likely to be a product of this plant.

These weapons represent more than just a new approach to warfare. The US rearmament programme launched during Ronald Reagan’s presidency was based on the premise that the victor in future conflicts would be the side that destroyed the enemy’s command and communications centres. Such centres are increasingly located in superhardened bunkers deep underground.

Hitting such sites with nuclear weapons would do the job well, but also produce radiation that even the Pentagon would have to acknowledge as fearsome, not to mention the bad public relations arising from mushroom-shaped clouds in a world aware of the dangers of nuclear war. DU warheads seem clean: they produce a fire modest in comparison with a nuclear detonation, though the incendiary effect can be just as destructive.

The information that Williams has gathered (8) shows that after computer modelling in 1987, the US conducted the first real operational tests against Baghdad in 1991. The war in Kosovo provided further opportunity to test, on impressively hard targets, DU weapon prototypes as well as weapons already in production. Afghan-istan has seen an extension and amplification of such tests. But at the Pentagon there is little transparency about this.

Williams cites several press articles (9) in December 2001 mentioning NBC (nuclear-biological-chemical) teams in the field checking for possible contamination. Such contamination, according to the US government, would be attributed to the Taliban. But, last October, Afghan doctors, citing rapid deaths from internal ailments, were accusing the coalition of using chemical and radioactive weapons. The symptoms they reported (haemorrhaging, pulmonary constriction and vomiting) could have resulted from radiation contamination.

On 5 December, when a friendly-fire bomb hit coalition soldiers, media representatives were all immediately removed from the scene and locked up in a hangar. According to the Pentagon, the bomb was a GBU-31, carrying a BLU-109 warhead. The Canal+ documentary shows an arms manufacturer’s sales representative at an international fair in Dubai in 1999, just after the Kosovo war. He is presenting a BLU-109 warhead and describing its penetration capabilities against superhardened underground targets, explaining that this model had been tested in a recent war.

Donald Rumsfeld, US Secretary of Defence, on 16 January this year admitted that the US had found radiation in Afghanistan (10). But this, he reassured, was merely from DU warheads (supposedly belonging to al-Qaida); he did not explain how al-Qaida could have launched them without planes. Williams points out that, even if the coalition has used no DU weapons, those attributed to al-Qaida might turn out to be an even greater source of contamination, especially if they came from Russia, in which case the DU could be even dirtier than that from Paducah.

Following its assessment mission in the Balkans, UNEP set up a post-conflict assessment unit. Its director, Henrik Slotte, has announced that it is ready to work in Afghanistan as soon as possible, given proper security, unimpeded access to hit sites, and financing. The WHO remains silent. When questions about the current state of the DU research fund were addressed to Jon Lidon, spokesman for the director general, Dr Gro Harlem Brundtland, the WHO did not answer. Yet Williams urges that studies begin immediately, as victims of severe UD exposure may soon all be dead, yet with their deaths attributed to the rigours of winter.

In Jefferson County, Indiana, the Pentagon has closed the 200-acre (80-hectare) proving ground where it used to test-fire DU rounds. The lowest estimate for cleaning up the site comes to $7.8bn, not including permanent storage of the earth to a depth of six metres and of all the vegetation. Considering the cost too high, the military finally decided to give the tract to the National Park Service for a nature preserve - an offer that was promptly refused. Now there is talk of turning it into a National Sacrifice Zone and closing it forever. This gives an idea of the fate awaiting those regions of the planet where the US has used and will use depleted uranium.




More about Robert James Parsons.
Translated by the author

* Journalist, Geneva

(1) See website

(2) The internet sites of Jane’s Defense Information , the Federation of American Scientists , the Centre of Defense Information .

(3) See FAS Website

(4) FAS and USA Today

(5) Chronology of environmental sampling in the Balkans

(6) See Deafening silence on depleted uranium , Le Monde diplomatique English edition, February 2001.

(7) La Guerre radioactive secrète, by Martin Meissonnier, Roger Trilling, Guillaume d’Allessandro and Luc Hermann, first broadcast in February 2000; updated and rebroadcast in January 2001 under the title L’Uranium appauvri, nous avons retrouvé l’usine contaminée by Roger Trilling and Luc Hermann.

(8) The Use of Modeling and Simulation in the Planning of Attacks on Iraqi Chemical and Biological Warfare Targets

(9) For example "New Evidence is Adding to US Fears of Al-Qaida Dirty Bomb", International Herald Tribune, December 5, 2001; "Uranium Reportedly Found in Tunnel Complex", USA Today, December 24, 2001.

(10) "US Says More Weapons Sites Found in Afghanistan", Reuters, January 16, 2002.

English language editorial director: Wendy Kristianasen - all rights reserved © 1997-2006 Le Monde diplomatique.

Translations >>French — De la réalité des armes à l'uranium appauvriRussian — Боеголовки из О.У. – что это такое?

Terror at the top

According to Bush, Blair and Howard, Saddam Hussein hosted al- Qa'ida in Iraq which was one reason we had to invade. On that basis then, bribes from the Australian Wheat Board (AWB) could have been transmitted from Saddam Hussein to al-Qa'ida and might well have been used to train people like Jack Thomas. The media frenzy over Thomas and the alleged threat he posed to Australians pales into insignificance when compared to the funding of Saddam's terrorist regime by the AWB and complicit Howard government ministers like Alexander Downer.

John Howard's "war on terror" hammers down on the small bit players but turns a blind eye to the "profit at all costs" de facto terrorist supporters in his own government and in Australia's corporate culture.

If we are to take the terrorist threat seriously then it's not turbans that should be targetted but smartly suited executives, government aparatchiks and Blair, Bush and Howard themselves, who are directly responsible through their military adventurism and unquestioning support for Israel, for the biggest boost to terrorism in history.

Wednesday, August 30, 2006

Israel's Criminal Use of Cluster Bombs

Many thousands of tiny bomblets are now scattered across Lebannon and already children have picked them up with disastrous consequences. Check this link to a BBC report: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/5299938.stm

Israeli Defence Force War Crimes

The Israeli government spokesman Mark Regev promised an inquiry into
the IDF attack on UN Control Base Khiam on July 25 which killed 4
personnel. He denied any knowledge of the July 23 missile attack
against a Red Cross ambulance in convoy heading for Tyre in which a
direct hit was scored on the very centre of the cross. Now that the
"fog of war" has cleared when can we expect an explanation for these
war crimes?

Wheat, War and Terror

One of the justifications we were given for invading Iraq was that
Saddam Hussein was in cahoots with Al Qaeda and that they had access
to weapons of mass destruction. Currently this is being reiterated by
American Republicans as they try to ward off the malign electoral
consequences of the Iraq fiasco, by linking Iraq to the "war on
terror".

The Australian Wheat Board helped fund Saddam Hussein's regime through
bribery and thus its members and complicit politicians like Mr Downer,
are guilty of financially supporting terrorism. This is a serious
offence under the Anti-Terrorism Bill and carries a maximum sentence
of 15 years. The AFP should immediately apply for preventative
detention orders and haul these suspects in for questionning.